“Preface to Stories for a Year by Corrado Alvaro”
(“Prefazione alle Novelle per un anno di Corrado Alvaro”)
Translated by Lisa Sarti and Michael Subialka
How to cite this work:
Pirandello, Luigi. “Preface to Stories for a Year by Corrado Alvaro” (“Prefazione alle Novelle per un anno di Corrado Alvaro”), tr. Lisa Sarti and Michael Subialka. In Stories for a Year, eds. Lisa Sarti and Michael Subialka, Digital Edition, www.pirandellointranslation.org, 2026.
From their very first encounter in 1923 until Pirandello’s death in 1936, Corrado Alvaro’s relationship with the Sicilian playwright never wavered, as proved by the many writings he devoted to him over the years, from reviews and private letters, to interviews and critical reflections on Pirandellian art and poetics. A tribute to this long-standing and faithful bond is also found in this Preface to Stories for a Year, here translated for the first time in English, which was added to the volumes published posthumously by Mondadori in 1957. In these pages, Alvaro reveals his intimate knowledge of Pirandello both as a man and as an artist, shedding light on private moments of the playwright’s life, such as his marriage to Antonietta Portulano and his emotional bond with his muse, Marta Abba. At the same time, the Preface offers insight into Pirandello’s public persona, glimpsed through a comparison with his fellow intellectuals and his fraught position within the constraints of the Fascist Regime. The Preface remains an important document that powerfully situates Pirandello within the sociocultural fabric of his time.
The text below is translated from the version published in Volumes I and II of: Luigi Pirandello, Novelle per un anno, ed. Manlio Lo Vecchio-Musti, “I classici contemporanei italiani,” directed by Giansiro Ferrata, “Opere di Luigi Pirandello”, Milano, Mondadori, 1957.
ChatGPT-5 was used on September 21, 2025 to help build and structure the initial draft of this translation. The output was then extensively edited, verified, and corrected by Lisa Sarti and Michael Subialka for both language and structure to ensure accuracy and to address interpretative issues (such as GPT-5’s suggestion to add new paragraph divisions, which the translators rejected). The final version is the sole responsibility of the translators and editors.
The Editors
We, Pirandello’s friends, began to notice that his health was declining when he read to us, as was the custom of his generation, one of his last plays, No One Knows How (Non si sa come).[1] The page trembled before his eyes, and his seasoned actor’s diction was no longer what it had been; it was confused, lacking the vitality we had known in him. I recall that the performance of that play before an audience that was reverent if not convinced gave me a feeling of unease. The spectators felt obligated to stir themselves at the passage describing a lizard—a fine piece of prose and bravura—and seized the opportunity to applaud loudly. I was in a proscenium box and remember the front rows of seats, the public attentive as though attending a ceremony. I believe it is a sad thing for a writer when the age of struggle is over and the public celebrates him in the very places where once it would have opposed him. I do not know if Pirandello sensed this. But in those days, he was restless. He was thinking of moving to Milan. Instead, he fell ill. I saw him on that very day in November 1936, when he had returned from attending the filming of a movie adapted from one of his novels:[2] he had chills, he paced up and down the studio, impatient as he always was when thwarted. They were preparing his bed. In that bed, a few days later, he died.
I had not even gone to see him during his illness, which was brief, because they told me he was joking about it, mocking the doctor, mocking the medications. One morning, that morning, I had gotten up early, and with my wife we heard a crash in the house, like a piece of furniture splitting from the heat; we searched everywhere, nothing had broken, nothing had fallen. A few minutes later, a tearful voice on the telephone told us that Pirandello had died just moments before. We were certain that crash had been his signal, as if he had knocked forcefully on some unknown door. The one calling was his daughter-in-law, Olinda,[3] with that crying voice one never recognizes in people. She told us to call a priest who was a friend of ours, and a man of letters, so that he might hurry over, and that we too should come quickly.
I had no idea what the death of a great man would be like. But I must say it is a cruel thing, perhaps the last cruelty that greatness must endure. Maybe it is as cruel as the death of the rich, but more so, far more so. For if the great man leaves the living, his works do not leave them. A part of him remains on this earth; indeed, the best part remains, that which was most desired of him, that which is most important in him, that for which the most mysterious of combinations presided over his birth. We entered his study, and it was full of people—agitated people, standing, restless, curious, smoking, calling out, speaking loudly, as if the master of the house had invited them to a reception and was late to appear. There was the bookshelf where he had never bothered to put things in order or to gather his works: twenty copies of one, none at all of ten others. His books did not die. They were there with their titles. It was difficult to keep in mind that he no longer existed, when the spine of a book repeated unchangingly ten times, twenty times Think It Over, Giacomino (Pensaci, Giacomino),[4] Right You Are (If You Think So) (Così è (se vi pare)).[5] There was dismay in many, but as if he had fled. Everyone smoked feverishly. It was truly absurd. I entered the room where he lay. It was as if abandoned. There was a boundless silence upon the sheet that covered him, outlining that body of a “poor Christ” (this phrase came to my mind, one he so often used); and then one noticed that on the side were two nuns praying on their knees, and the priest we had called was giving him absolution. Beyond, in the study, it was as though that reception-like chatter were waiting for him to appear. I imprinted in my mind that face of his beneath the sheet, which could not conceal his forehead and the pointed chin of his beard, and the whole profile of his body, which had so many times suggested to me the image of that Greek amphora he loved and always kept in sight when he returned to Rome, and in which today his ashes rest at the museum of Agrigento.[6]
Back there, among the ever-growing, curious crowd, his son Stefano[7] showed me half a sheet of letter paper containing his last will. The handwriting, for those who knew it, dated back some years; the paper was faded and brittle. It contained those wishes of his that seemed to lack all consolation, ties, or sense of remedy: to depart on the cart of a poor man, to be accompanied by no one, to have his ashes scattered to the wind, or to rest in that little house of his which he called “of Chance,” or “Chaos,”[8] as he used to say, near Agrigento. He went away alone, as he had always been. The government official arrived and read with astonishment that half-sheet, where the handwriting was firm, perhaps as firm as it had only ever been in his youthful manuscripts: steady, peremptory, complete. That the priest was disconcerted was clear. He wrestled with his perplexity: only God could have mercy on this man who dictated that he be burned and scattered. The poor priest did not know; he closed no door, yet he could not open any, either. He was distressed, asking himself why, as though the deceased could answer. We too, those who loved him, were bewildered, as if we had all wronged him by the very fact of being human. We knew he could take offense easily, but we also knew how he could forgive with a kiss on both cheeks, not merely a Sicilian custom of his, but something humble.
At any rate, it was the Government official who was the most unsettled, though for quite other reasons. He read and reread that page, copied it out for himself, and wondered how on earth he could present it to the Duce.[9] A great man, a famous man, departing in such a manner: shutting the door behind him, without a farewell, without a thought, without homage above all—asking only to be covered by a plain sheet, refusing the uniform, refusing the black shirt that custom demanded—going off like a pauper, with no commemorations, no ceremonies.[10] The Government official was a decent sort, and humane, but he would have to answer to his superior; and the superior could not reach a man in death. At least death remained something wholly private, the only thing, then. He said: “He went away, slamming the door.” In the perplexity of that official lay the measure of a human condition; and one could not help but envy the man who had slipped away in this fashion by means of his death, refusing the honors in which vain artists so delight, even in death, and unafraid of the reprisals that might be inflicted upon his memory. In those twenty-four hours, it was instructive to know that on the desk of the most powerful man in the land fists were being pounded in indignation, that officially the departed was denied any tribute beyond a passing item of news, that one who had once written a story entitled “Someone’s Laughing” (“C'è qualcuno che ride”)[11] now proclaimed nothingness to all glory and all power, and it was he who laughed. At the supreme moment of his earthly fate, Pirandello declared himself free and alone. He declared himself free only in death. It was a fact felt by all, even if they could not explain to themselves the force of reparation it brought for every possible error or weakness.
The next morning, the fog was soaking through the last withered flowers in the little garden behind the gate on Via Antonio Bosio.[12] A gaunt horse, hitched to the poor-man’s cart, stood in the wet street, straining forward so as not to slip. Everything seemed to appear as our dear Maestro would have wanted to see it. The pine coffin, newly stained in a coat of dark earth-brown, was set upon the cart, and the few friends lingered at the gate, watching as it rolled away toward the mist-shrouded trees at the end of the avenue. Someone beside me began to weep, helplessly, like a child. His hair was already gray. The cart disappeared at the corner, the clumsy nag pulling sideways. We made our way back through the city, its noises muffled by the fog, as if we were hearing them in a kind of daze. On the bus, a man sat down in front of us. He did not notice the brown streak of earth on his right shoulder, by which we knew him as one of the bearers. We watched him get off and vanish into the crowd of a working-class quarter, after his first earnings of the day.
On December 28, 1937, the heirs of Luigi Pirandello signed the deed of donation to the State, transferring the furniture and books that had belonged to him and remained in the apartment he had occupied in Rome during the last years of his life, on Via Antonio Bosio—the very same house where he had once lived before, where he returned again, and where he finally passed away. The house itself, the walls, which Pirandello had rented, had already been purchased by the State; and next to that study, with its adjoining bedroom, bath, entryway, and terrace, an office of Weights and Measures had been opened.[13] Pirandello’s apartment lies on the top floor, the door to the right. I have not been back there since, though I could return. I would need to ask for permission from the custodian. On the landing of the outer stair, perhaps there still lingers—on the bare stalk, no more than a damp little knot—the remnants of a blossom from the black locust tree, with its faint, scorched fragrance of youthful tresses and summer. I used to come upon this plant each time I went to see Pirandello, and it would speak to me again of the South, however slight and fragile a reminder it was compared with the great acacia trees of that faraway land.
On the top floor, the door to the right opened easily; the key was always left in the lock. Sometimes it was Pirandello’s servant, who also doubled as his chauffeur, who emerged from a little adjoining room to let one in. He, too, had ended up buying himself a typewriter, on which he had begun composing plays. He would appear with the distracted, tense air of a man who has left a dish simmering on the stove, or a page half-finished on the desk. He had once been in service to a cardinal, and from that he had inherited the calm, deliberate manner of one long accustomed to everything. He drove the car at the pace of a stagecoach. I remember one time we were returning from Ostia:[14] every automobile on the road sped past us. Pirandello began to grow impatient. The man pressed the accelerator, but only a little. Pirandello flew into a rage. Then the chauffeur pushed the speed up to a hundred kilometers, and Pirandello quieted at once, subdued like someone held taut on the thread of speed. In his last years Pirandello bore a scar upon his nose, close to the nostril. It came from a car accident. He had been traveling with a lady when their car collided with another that braked suddenly. As the windshield shattered, Pirandello shielded the woman’s face with his own, and carried that mark from then on.
I would rather not return to that study, but trust instead to memory. I know they have attached a numbered tag to every piece of furniture and every object: to the penholder, the inkwell, the chair, the books, everything. How, I wonder, could they have managed with that drawer crammed with scraps of notes,[15] jumbled together like in a sack, alongside the carefully prepared manuscript of Henry IV (Enrico IV)?[16] By the little table stood his old leather suitcase with its drawstring clasp; on a shelf, the new typewriter he had been given in America[17], never once used. On the wall opposite the door hung a painting by his son Fausto,[18] a Crucifixion. Pirandello was not religious, yet the image of the Passion was his familiar emblem, and when he spoke of a man, or of one of his characters, suffering, he would call him a “poor Christ.” Beneath it, on the shelf, were portraits of friends; and at the center of the room, some ten meters long, rose the figured Greek vase set upon a column, his one tangible remembrance of Sicily. From the ceiling, in the middle, hung a great, splendid Murano chandelier.[19] In the right-hand corner was the writing desk at which he had sat since the days of his earliest literary ambitions: a piece of that pseudo-Renaissance style fashionable at the time, like the shelves, the chair, and the two or three sumptuous high-backed chairs[20] in the so-called Savonarola style,[21] their backs carved with the friar’s likeness. This was Pirandello’s prehistory, his youthful shape: it bore within it the classicism of Carducci,[22] whose influence he had once absorbed, but not the bellowing Renaissance-mania of d’Annunzio.[23] He claimed never to have read d’Annunzio at all. And yet in time he limited himself, amid these surviving furnishings, to a low little table with a small typewriter and a padded stool. Gray, painstaking, he typed with one finger, as if forever learning; and oddly, his labor seemed like play. He would leave the unfinished page in the machine, without the least concern for secrecy or defense. One might even read it there, for he was the sort who read his own work aloud, then listened to your comments as though you were reading his palm, or a pack of cards. Of the critical faculty, which so greatly developed in the generation after his, and which ended by becoming an abstruse language of its own, he had no trace. Perhaps there was in him a certain shyness before the cerebral argumentations of the younger generation; yet also a secret, unshakable conviction of superiority—if indeed it is true that he left not a single page unpublished, gathering everything of his own into the work, one of the most intricate ever made, into which, in the end, no critic has yet dared venture far.
In the middle of the study stood a sofa, its back to a great window that opened, to the right, onto a garden. The garden was a nearby setting of laurels and cypresses. Yet beyond that grave and evergreen hush, tinged here and there with a pale gold in the spring sun, there must have been some broad tree that shed its leaves, a plane or a magnolia. I remember well, in certain seasons, the rustle it made, like the shuffling of papers, when birds searched among the fallen leaves; and then the blackbirds would appear, their yellow beaks shining like kernels of corn they could never quite swallow. It was strange that such a rustling should belong to my memories of that study, and that this sound of pages turning should be transferred to a park rather than to the papers of the man of letters within. But perhaps it was because paper, in those four walls dominated by the deep blue of the great, soft carpet, had nothing of the importance it usually carries in the place that is its kingdom. The half-sheets and quarter-sheets of squared paper on which Pirandello wrote had nothing to do with the age of watermarked rag paper that, like so many other habits of its time, has since fallen into common use, a mere attribute of distinction. Among the things that accompany a writer on the intimate voyage around his own chamber and his desk, there is always paper—its texture, the way it yellows and dries, taking on a human, living hue, a grain-like skin with the passage of years. That sense of a workshop, or a smithy, as the old craftsman-writers liked to say, was absent from Pirandello’s study. There was none of the intoxication of good fragrant ink, none of that exaltation of handwriting which ennobles the sheet, as Michelangelo wrote in a sonnet,[24] making the written word akin to a drawing sprung from the writer’s hand. I know that such a sentiment can lighten the labor of writing; sweeten the path; register, like the tracings of a seismograph, the oscillations of mood; impose discipline of its own accord. One cannot fail to notice, in a page of Petrarch—the prototype of a page composed also in its outward form—or in a page of Leopardi, with its painstaking diligence, the enchantment of manual craft, the beauty of embroidery, the handiwork of human industry. Yet it is rare that we glimpse the writer’s sweat-stained page. Rather, we see only the final sheet, where they present themselves with the smile with which, in every art, effort is concealed—that smile I would call the ballerina’s smile, where only the lips laugh, while the wide eyes mask the strain. Pirandello’s indifference to such outward forms was mostly of his later years. Certain youthful notebooks,[25] fair copies of his early works, bore an aesthetic care and student’s diligence of their own. But at the height of his labors, Pirandello sought the shortcuts born when thought runs too swiftly, when the work is too great, when the faltering traces of pen or typewriter dismay, and one would rather lose all sense of the instrument in use, as ink and paper and thought and expression coagulate into a single knot. At a certain time, Massimo Bontempelli[26] contrived devices to lighten this most unnatural labor of all: the man bent double on a chair before the emptiness of the white page, the one truly antinatural work of human beings. Writing crouched, half-reclining, prone in bed, in a kennel, in an armchair with a board across one’s knees: all tricks to cheat fatigue. Pirandello, too, tried them. He even adopted the drawing-board-like contraption invented by Bontempelli, to write seated in an armchair. But by then Pirandello had come to live so closely with what he had to say that he no longer needed the outward forms of concentration. He had said it to the full: that life is either lived or written.[27]
His apartment, as he had furnished it in his later years, spoke a little of his outward life, but nothing of his inner one. The objects that surrounded him offered no clue to his personality; he felt no attachment to any form, except, perhaps, to that Greek vase. At most, the room might recall a hotel lounge, such as he had seen and lived in during the past twenty years. The old furniture of his youthful patience lay there as though in storage; the books, plundered by anyone and everyone, were scattered in confusion: one might come upon a multi-volume history of Venice, whose presence made no sense, alongside a tiny edition of Boccaccio.[28] He did not even own the whole of his own works. It was useless to search there for any trace of habit or preference. Everything was haphazard, everything estranged from him. When he set about adorning the little chamber next door, he made of it yet another hotel room: a brass bed, and on the walls a certain blue damask. I never heard him speak of furniture, of objects of decoration, but much of men: men with whom he went on dealing, contending, reconciling, and against whom he went on inveighing. The judgments he passed on them were dictated by the moment, the circumstance, his mood; they were never final. A day later he would say the opposite, and at times his judgments were sheer inventions, flights of fancy.
He would let others speak, and he would listen. Most often he seemed dissatisfied, ill at ease. He carried with him an air of solitude; no one could truly keep him company—at best, they could distract him, arouse his curiosity. I remember one evening: the moon was out, and a trellis of roses at Porta Pinciana[29] cast the shadow of a balcony meant for lovers. We were all young then, each with his own sweetheart at his side. There was laughter, teasing, a commotion; it was so lovely it already seemed like a memory. Pirandello walked apart, alone, with that peculiar gait of his, ankles close together, wide-brimmed hat, hands in his pockets. His profile had the same severity as his Greek vase; he muttered something, to himself, alone. Years have gone by. The air that night was sweet, heavy with the scent of roses, like sleep pressing down in the darkness. Another of his traits was waiting: how anxiously he could await a friend, a book, a visit. The key to his study was always left in the lock. A turn of the hand was enough, and you were inside. After searching through the gray-blue room, you would find him there alone, almost always alone. He would come forward: gray, silver, ageless.
It was the artist’s gray season, the same one in which great men find themselves with nothing but a handful of ashes, when, still alive, they are already being pushed into history. And this is the hardest moment to bear: life surges forward, the world begins again, fickle and loquacious, with the natural cruelty of new beginnings. For such a man, already complete, the old measure no longer holds, and the new awaits history. It is the moment when he turns to watch the young advancing with banners unfurled, like a youthful army—never was the world more beautiful, nor destiny more certain. It is the time when, at sunset, the man sometimes stoops to gather the instrument from the uncertain hands of youth and traces his final work in the hues of regret and with the illusory blossoming of autumn. And it is the time when no certain judgment can any longer be made of him. Too much has been said already. The game is played out. What is written is written. I thought I sensed such a moment in Pirandello. But I never heard him utter a single word about it.
“What is written, is written.” Pirandello recalled this phrase by Giovanni Verga. When Verga was named a Senator, Pirandello traveled to Catania to celebrate him and delivered a speech in his honor. Verga listened, and when it was over, said to him: “Dear Pirandello, you have said beautiful things, and I thank you for them. But now, what more is there to do? What is written is written.”[30] Of what Verga felt and thought during more than thirty years of distance from literature, only rare traces remain. It is known that he never again spoke of art, as though he had never been an artist at all. Yet the words he spoke to Pirandello mean something. A sadness at what has been completed, a proud detachment, as if he had acted, in his moments of inspiration, as the instrument of someone greater than himself. Like many true writers, Verga wrote dreadful things beside his immortal works. He was not an “artist”; he was a poet. He had no craft, no technique, no profession. He was one of those great, unhappy souls condemned to say what they must say, utterly the opposite of the literary man. He came to language like a primitive, renewing the birth of a tongue at a moment when literary language was already ripe, or better, overripe. But it was not only a question of language. Italy was a small country, yet its tradition remained that of a world entire. That was the paradox of Italian life. The society of letters spoke from the heights of that tradition, dwelling among its stars, while below, another country was being born. The peasant, the fisherman, the new society rising out of the Risorgimento were the sturdy survivors of a vast ruin.[31] They could not be fitted into the literary categories then in fashion. Italy, which only a century before had been as rich as the richest nation, found itself poor in the century of iron and coal. Upon this new Italian life, literature still propped up the dominion of a language and a style at once grandiose and melancholy, like all great ruins. Manzoni had spoken of the poor, but seen from a Catholic heaven.[32] Verga, though he came out of Naturalism, did not fall into the trap of social commentary. He limited himself to bearing witness to the vitality of the Italian people. Society, already steeped in melodrama, found itself entering the full-blown bourgeois epic, with d’Annunzio as its bard. This too was a will to life, manifesting itself immediately in an avid hunger for enjoyment. The aspiration of that age was to forget one’s origins, to enter the world of the elect, where needs themselves are refined. Even Verga, in his weakest works—the ones that scarcely seem his—yielded to such aspirations. But at a certain point he brought that fertile unrest back to its roots: to the first struggle with the elements and with men. The elements proved the more merciful; men, the more merciless. No one recognized themselves in that muted story. Yet, by one of those ironies so often at play in the fate of writers, from the peasant garments of “The She-Wolf” (“La Lupa”)[33] was born The Daughter of Iorio (La figlia di Iorio)[34] and its lineage of women whose furies still echo in our literature. Pirandello would go on to write the second part of the work Verga had aspired to: the drama of the petty bourgeoisie that emerged from the Risorgimento.[35]
One day, I stepped into Pirandello’s study, and they told me there was a letter from d’Annunzio. It was only a few days after Pirandello had directed The Daughter of Iorio at the Teatro Argentina.[36] He sat in his usual armchair, before a little table cluttered with papers and objects together with letters, pamphlets, a medal[37] struck in his honor by Italians from some country in the Americas, and the empty case of the Nobel Prize medal,[38] all in the familiar disorder. Yes, he was as untidy among his papers and books as he was orderly in his thoughts and memories, and in everything that belonged to his realm of imagination. One grew accustomed to seeing his books on the shelves placed without rhyme or reason, and within that chaos finding everything preserved, everything: a newly arrived book of poems from some remote province kept company with Petrarch,[39] while a propaganda pamphlet stood beside a philosopher; and other volumes, utterly insignificant, claimed a place in full view, taking advantage of the confusion. I will not even speak of certain drawers of his, where once I was entrusted with searching for some documents: there were sheets scattered from at least thirty years of life, all in a jumble.
Pirandello had none of the habits of the man of letters; he possessed, instead, the most natural disdain for the order and the stage set that every writer constructs around himself, almost without realizing it, simply out of the habit of living within four walls. As though forever in transit, the things surrounding him carried the same meaning as objects hastily placed in a suitcase. This stood in sharp contrast with the domestic order of his bedroom.
So, when I arrived at his place that day, they told me there was a letter from d’Annunzio. It was the usual sort of letter, full of talk about emulation, as d’Annunzio so often wrote to his contemporaries: “the rival,” the “elder and younger brother.” It was dressed in all the proper forms, heavy with that rhetorical grandeur of style which, in that room—where the books, scattered as they were, seemed to mock glory—made no impression at all. For in that room there was not the faintest trace of any cult of writing. One would have found, for an inkwell, only a small bottle of ink and a reed holder with a steel nib, and on a low table, a typewriter littered with ash and threads of tobacco from long hours of work. On the half-sheet rolled into the machine, in its careful typed characters, you could see how far along Pirandello had come with the play or the story he was working on. Beside d’Annunzio’s letter, resting on the table, lay a silver box embossed with one of his devices and a motto. The box was full of cigarettes. Pirandello offered some, lit one, and tossed it away in disgust. They were perfumed with a heavy essence of roses. “Always the same,” he said, referring to d’Annunzio. Both message and gift had arrived through an intermediary, since d’Annunzio seemed not to recognize the existence of the postal service. Pirandello, too, ignored it, but only because he rarely wrote letters at all, and then almost only for urgent matters, to his family or to the woman he loved.[40]
They spoke of d’Annunzio. Pirandello had encountered him in his youth in Rome—seen him more than truly known him—and remembered him with the studied elegance of those Roman days, the kind immortalized in certain photographs: two fingers’ breadth of starched cuff showing beyond the sleeves, a high stiff collar, the narrow tie, and jackets of daring cut. At that time, Pirandello himself dressed like a provincial man of letters, with a great wide-brimmed hat, its edge frayed.
In the final days of his life, Pirandello found himself to be a new writer. To note nothing else, it is enough to mention the predominant theme of his last book, A Single Day (Una giornata):[41] the search for the essential, as if, after so much labor, he had still not managed to pry open that tightly sealed shell we call life. In the end, it was the pursuit of a theme that was immense in scope: the theme of purity. The pages entitled “Effects of an Interrupted Dream” (“Effetti di un sogno interrotto”) were the last he ever wrote.[42] Like only those few, but most profound, writers, he circled around a theme that has tormented the imagination of all the most restless literature: the theme of guilt, at the very root of life and morality. What are the hidden impulses of our actions? What is purity? What is love? What is woman? What is the demonic power of man?
What struck one so often in Pirandello was his sweeping judgment of “the other half,” which was, frankly, a pessimistic one. One of his last readings had been Boccaccio, who in these matters had peered all the way down to the dregs. And yet, I have seldom seen such delicate attentions toward women as in Pirandello, such a genuine pleasure in their company, in listening to them speak. I do not know how it came about in his own home that, at gatherings, the women always ended up in groups apart from the men. I remember one evening Ugo Ojetti,[43] stranded on a sofa among the men, straining from afar to say something gracious to the ladies on the opposite divan. It had been a long time since I had read phrases like “noble lady” and “noble friend” in the dedications of an author’s books. I saw them flow again from Pirandello’s pen. In him there lived an old chivalric sense, an ancient conception of woman, alongside that deep-rooted pessimism. And of course, in this view, man played the devil, the corrupter. I once saw him return from a meeting with Mussolini, disheveled and indignant. “He’s a vulgar man,” he said, and recounted how Mussolini had reproached him for his reserve, telling him in so many words: “When you love a woman you don’t make such a fuss—you throw her on a sofa.” Pirandello, by contrast, held the ancient reverence for the mother, the wife, the sister, the daughter—the woman in those roles that antiquity alone had dramatized and exalted. Toward the woman as lover, however, he felt a profound skepticism, that figure whom modern literature has tried to raise up to the very same altar and worship once reserved for maternity, filial devotion, and sisterhood. For him, the true drama of woman was precisely that which the ancients had attributed to her.[44]
In his later years, Pirandello pursued this investigation of fidelity and purity using a more poetic register than in his earlier works. I am reminded of “Effects of an Interrupted Dream.” At the heart of this exploration lay unconscious, unwilled, and unpremeditated betrayal, or perhaps not betrayal at all, but rather the very shadow that a man’s thoughts cast upon a woman: forbidden, unhealthy desires that cloud her image. This was the subject of one of his plays, though not one of his happiest achievements. It revealed the classical side of Pirandello, shown with merciless clarity in that comedy entitled Man, Beast, and Virtue (L’uomo, la bestia e la virtù).[45] And yet for him this theme was always a source of renewed wonder, an astonishment, a marvel almost adolescent in nature—if adolescence means the stunned, bewildered discovery of impurity within a life the imagination has conceived as whole and ideal. This was Pirandello’s youthful side. It marked his sharp opposition to so much literature before and after him, which by comparison can seem the stuff of jaded, wayward boys. His concern with purity was, rather, the concern of a conscience untainted by evil.
Since Pirandello was a man in love until the penultimate year of his life, I saw him more than once, in Berlin and in Rome, with the woman he had placed at the very summit of his thoughts.[46] One day, rummaging through that same famous drawer of his desk, I came upon a yellowed sheet of paper where he confessed the end of youth, a body worn and troubled by the years, and therefore the end of love. He marked the turning point precisely: the close of the season of pleasures, at the very moment when a man can no longer give as much joy as he receives. He never regarded love as a fraud played upon a defenseless body, but in that manly way of giving. And so perhaps, in those last years, he took on the role of one who offers what he knows to be a true gift: friendship, warm admiration and affection, protection, and the wisdom of experience.
I remember in him, alongside the great acts of generosity of which he was capable, the almost childlike miserliness over things as trivial as matches, or a certain water he preferred at table and would never share with anyone. Once, when the woman he loved was dining with us, he poured her some of that water, urging her to drink it because it was “a water that did you good.” That was so perfectly him. Another time, entering his study, I found that same woman stretched out on a divan, her little shoes slipped off, her bare feet exposed. She was tired. It was spring. I thought I sensed Pirandello’s embarrassment. Faced with that springtime weariness, he treated her as he would a child, and as with the small animal he had always glimpsed, primal and cruel, stirring within the woman.
The first time I saw Pirandello was in a small villa near Via Nomentana,[47] not the one where his life would later end, where he had already spent years of intense work before returning in 1932. He had just come back from his triumphs in America[48] and had bought a great carpet from Izmir. That carpet, in deep blues and reds, was one of the very few luxuries I ever saw in his possession. For all that he had once been wealthy, and was at that time comfortable enough, the carpet seemed to mark a renewed encounter with fortune. It was there almost by chance, without any decorative or aesthetic pretension; it was simply the necessity of something warm and soft underfoot. Yet I remember it as the herald of a period well lived and well worked; this is why it looms so large in my memory. And there was Pirandello, seated among his friends, content, as content as he ever was when a piece of work had gone well. In that same posture I remember him again, on his return from the Nobel Prize.[49] It was as though a good season had begun.
Among the furnishings, his writing desk—always the same one—stood too high, and the chair was absurdly low; and though he was tall and well built, I could never imagine how he managed to work there. Then, one day, I saw him: he sat like a schoolboy at a counter too tall for him, the edge of the desk pressing against his armpits; he had to hold himself up with his shoulders. Perhaps this posture, maintained through long hours of work, gave his bearing that upward, gathered quality, an impression almost arboreal. He worked in his honest, precise, nineteenth-century hand, taking delight in certain capital letters, airy and elegant, like the “P” of his surname. In short, if one sought, among the objects around him or in his manner of being, the least hint of the boldness he was capable of in art, it was a wasted effort, or at best, only time spent daydreaming beside him.
But his true treasure was the Greek vase, unearthed in a field in Agrigento—the very one that now holds his ashes.[50] After lying whole for hundreds of years beneath the hardened earth, it had begun, at last, to wear away under the touch of the air. He often spoke of it, pained to see its slow decay. He spoke of it as if it were his homeland, the only land from which I ever heard him recall places, landscapes, moments in time; and yet he had traveled widely across the world. His patriotism was of the Greek sort, or better still, of the southern spirit: that crag, that hill, those temples, those fields, that sea. With the Greeks he shared no sense of nature, except in this alone; the rest of the world he looked upon as a pilgrim. I remember him thus even in Berlin.[51] What truly interested him were people. From his homeland he remembered with precision the colors, the characters, the adventures; and in just the same way he remembered the men and women of every other country. At times, it seemed to me that I grasped his secret in understanding them: the very secret of his art. Like any true pilgrim, the whole world to him was a homeland; he entrusted himself to no feeling of astonishment, nor to any prejudice of race. He saw only the ruling passions, always the same, always few, always strong: the passions that belong to humankind. Of his travels, I never heard him recall landscapes, but often people. And never did I have the impression that these people spoke another tongue. He reduced them all to a single language: the language of moral measure.
For this reason, he came to art by his own path, through human reactions, through character and morality, like one of the ancients. He was wholly, and nothing else but, a man. Never a man of letters. He did not seek stimulants in books, nor did he chase after the latest publications, except those that happened to come his way. These he read almost all, always in search of the revelation of an artist. Lately he had returned to the great writers; he kept company with Boccaccio and Shakespeare.[52] One day, speaking of a tale by Boccaccio—the seventh of the Eighth Day [53]—I heard him recall it, and it seemed something new. The dramatic core, the character, the conflict emerged as though from a story without time. To the student who takes revenge on the cruel widow he added his own words, gestures, and turns, delighting in inhabiting the soul of one character or the other. All the figures, once enlivened, became for him other figures; one was transformed into all, to weave a life dense and adventurous. He read with care, with rigor, as though in the end he wanted to lay bare the secret of art itself. Yet I believe art by then had come to appear to him as too little, nothing more than a human instrument. About this, I never dared to ask him.
But art was the only way to reach him. I don’t know how he managed to know what other writers were working on, but of those he valued, he knew; and he truly waited for their work, as one waits for a miracle, or for a great day. To be welcomed by him as only he knew how, with that penetrating yet kindly gaze, the kind one reserves for the young, all that was needed for a recommendation was a single good page. He told me more than once that he remembered a small book of poems that had been the start for one of our writers. He recalled it lying on a table, that little book, and would make the gesture of piling something up before him. In that gesture, art became something solid, and that beginning radiant. His eyes too were radiant, entirely trusting, whenever he spoke of art, or heard it spoken of. He preferred to listen. For every other conversation—of human matters, of personal affairs—a flash from those clear, piercing eyes seemed to say that he knew it all already, and that nothing was worth much unless it belonged to the realm of the spirit. There was irony there, not aimed at you, but at life’s events; and I believe more than one person, standing before those eyes, felt the futility of struggling too hard. Yet this was not pessimism. It gave the impression that he knew the game, and it inspired trust. Without many words, one left his study better prepared.
And for as little as he might esteem someone, he would speak of them everywhere, whether in Milan, in Paris, or even in America, so that, later, if while traveling you happened upon someone to whom he had once spoken of you, you would find a friend already bound to you by a shared memory. And that memory, dense and weighty as a landscape, as a past, as a man of honor, was Pirandello himself. And then, finding Pirandello again, you felt him brooding over you with those clear, steady eyes. Once, he tilted his head back against the armchair, half-closed his eyes in that habitual pose of his, and said: “Now we must do something good, something true.” He would say “we must”—impersonally, as though speaking to no one in particular—yet he was addressing the person beside him, and at the same time that larger family which, for him, was art. His friendship bound like a pact, like a promise.
It seemed, then, that he belonged to a vast corporation, or a great family, with roots sunk deep and branches reaching far into the future. Whenever someone close to him undertook a new piece of work, it became a collective matter; one had the impression that a hidden universe lay in wait. He would speak of it, ask after it. I never did so myself, but I know of writers who would read their works to him bit by bit: act by act, scene by scene, chapter by chapter. His judgments and suggestions never concerned themselves with questions of aesthetics; his criticism generally began from within, with the character—or better still, from the author, from his stance toward life and toward the problems of invention. An idea, once born, became a force in motion, and had to be carried to its furthest consequences. And so too with a character: once it took on life, it possessed its own necessity.[54] That is why it was so instructive to see what Pirandello could uncover in a single page. Once, about a page of mine that displeased him, he said simply: “Here there is no gathering-in.” He meant that the author’s concentration was missing, his full devotion to the passage, and therefore his whole personality. I felt myself struck in a moral sense by this remark, and I am certain that, at that moment, it was addressed to my very being as a whole. And it was good for me.
Once, he almost took offense when I told him, or perhaps wrote to him, that his more recent stories, which appeared in the Corriere della Sera,[55] bore the influence of the new literature, whose excessive lyricism he himself distrusted. Yet I remain convinced that he had not merely borrowed from it, but rather had enriched it with his own strength as a storyteller. Perhaps I am mistaken, but it seemed to me that Pirandello the poet had never been so inspired in his prose as in those final pieces, among which one, entitled “A Single Day” (“Una giornata”) , became well known. For this reason too, his passing felt untimely. It seemed to everyone that he still had something left to add to the great edifice of his narrative art.
When I spoke to him about this new season of his as a storyteller, I did not have the courage to press the matter or explain myself further. I feared that in speaking of his work to him, I might slip into saying something too tender, and such a human closeness was difficult to establish with a figure like him. My relations with him were simple, almost stark: to speak, to listen as he told his stories, to share a meal, to walk side by side across the grass of the meadows he loved so much in the countryside. And yet he was so attentive, so alert, that once, in the hills near Tivoli,[56] as we sat before a rustic meal and honest wine, a peasant woman nearby—watering her flowers and speaking of carrying them to her dead son, “to my boy,” as she said in her poor dialect[57]—suddenly appeared to me, through his gaze, immense, dramatic, and at the same time too fragile to bear the sorrow of the world. For it was nearly impossible, in Pirandello’s presence, even in those long silences that sometimes fell between us, not to feel his reactions, his judgments on people and things. And so, without realizing it, one found oneself with the chalice raised, the wine nearly brushing one’s face.
But it strikes me as strange that I retain no memory of his judgments, nor of his reflections on art. Pirandello remained instinctive. At times, as in his work, there was in him a certain shadowiness, the darkness of the South; yet just as often he sang like the Greek cicada. Greek—or southern, or Mediterranean—was his way of turning human events into mimicry, as in his rustic scenes, in that comedy Man, Beast, and Virtue, and even in some of his bourgeois dramas. His sense of fate was also Greek or Mediterranean, as was his singular gift for uncovering the appetites and dominant passions of a character.
He told stories like an ancient, and even now I cannot fathom by what act of imagination he could take up a subject that we would regard as obsolete—a theme that might have delighted the author of the Novellino[58]—and make it blaze with life. This was a secret I always longed to learn: a seamless, compact continuity, a solidarity of thought, an attention that never flagged; it was like taking up a venerable science at the very point where countless old hands had once applied their perfect effort in the same direction.
He loved to read his own work, or to have it read aloud as soon as it was written. He also loved to hear his plays performed at the theater. He drank in every line, laughing or frowning at each turn, as though he were hearing them for the very first time. There was not the slightest trace of vanity in this. He listened in the same way to the plays of others, even to old, shabby farces. Often, at a line spoken from the stage, he would instantly imagine a reply, and sometimes it was the very one that was in fact delivered a moment later. It was as though he possessed the mathematics of the theater.
It sometimes happened that one had words with him. He would take offense. Then, left to himself, he would brood over it. He would have you sent for. You entered his study, and there he came toward you with open hands, elbows tucked in, and, bending kindly, he embraced you and kissed you on both cheeks. And so, with him, explanations were never necessary.
I never once heard him speak about the public. When his plays were booed, he stood there as though a natural phenomenon had broken loose upon him: a rainstorm, a hailstorm. Just the same when he was carried off in triumph. He knew how to master it.
His was, in the end, a victory beyond literature: a victory of fame. Audiences and critics alike had been fascinated by the new theatrical modes he had introduced, forms that still shape much of European and American drama, from Shaw, [59] to Barrie,[60] and even to an industrialist like Ford.[61] Yet in Italy, his work as a short-story writer was met with a curt dismissal from the fiercest critics, while his work as a dramatist received little more than a perfunctory review from Croce,[62] perhaps written under the sway of other influences, perhaps colored by a philosophical misunderstanding. As for Adriano Tilgher’s interpretation of his dramatic themes,[63] at first Pirandello welcomed it, but eventually it seemed to him an unbearably narrow prison. A triumph of this kind he surely recognized for what it was; and it would take too long here to unravel the reasons for the dissonance that clung to his fame and popularity, however immense—so immense that his very name became an adjective. To the ruling regime he could never be pleasing, by temperament or by vision of life. One had only to look at him: he had nothing of the mythology then in vogue. I recall one day, after he had been awarded the Nobel Prize, I tried to stir some show of solidarity among his fellow writers. There was a reception at his home; everyone came, but more in the spirit of celebrating a lucky man than of honoring a master. On another occasion, one of his more hostile critics asked me to arrange a meeting with him. The meeting took place, and afterward Pirandello told me the fellow had come only to ask for his vote in the election to the Accademia d’Italia.[64] It is likely that Pirandello himself felt his estrangement from a regime that had heaped upon him honors it lavished on all eminent men, honors it needed to sustain its image as patron of the arts. In such an equivocal atmosphere, amid the widening rift between generations, he found himself unable to gain a hold on reality. His Henry IV (Enrico IV, 1922), as Mario Apollonio observes in his History of Italian Theatre, was a drama of “the idolatry of historical forms that held Italy captive for decades,” the story of a madman who “cannot shake off the worm-eaten splendor of those masks.”[65] And in one of his last stories, “Someone Is Laughing,” he planted a suspicion of the ridiculous in a world gone mad with seriousness. But there was nothing of the conspirator about him. He belonged to that generation of writers who had grown up with the ideal and the mission of speaking to a wide public, in a society not yet fractured, one that still respected a common truth.
In recent years, restless and uneasy, “the man with a suitcase”[66] sought some measure of peace. He had renounced the woman he loved, detaching her from himself and entrusting her to London, to the friendship and protection of J. M. Barrie.[67] Fame did him no good in a society deaf to it, a society that could only sadden him, though he never confessed as much out of his natural sense of dignity. Nor did money serve him, for he had always thought of it as the legacy of a prudent father, something meant for others, and for himself no more than a means to a few small comforts. At the heart of his being, guiding all his actions, there must have lingered the family tragedy that struck him between the ages of forty and fifty. His wife,[68] consumed by jealousy, saw rivals everywhere, even among the servants, so often that Pirandello and his children [69] would take their meals in a tavern rather than at home. To that woman, it was said, Pirandello remained physically faithful, as though branded by an indelible mark. Yet it must have been a sexual wound from which he never recovered, a mystery forever beyond reach. It is a trauma that reverberates through all his work.
Restless, I was saying, he kept returning to the idea of settling in Paris, in an apartment on Avenue Victor-Emmanuel.[70] But Mussolini looked askance at the prospect of so eminent a man living abroad; he suspected in it a veiled condemnation of the regime and warned him to return to the homeland.[71] Then Pirandello considered moving to Milan, though he never did. He had already had a few run-ins with the Party, one of them rather unusual for those times of submission. On one of his tours abroad with his theater company, Pirandello once disembarked in Brazil.[72] There he found himself face to face with Italian exiles, who published their own paper. Questioned by them, he made the curious declaration: “Abroad there are no Fascists or anti-Fascists; we are all Italians.”[73] Back in Rome, he was summoned by the Party Secretary, who laid before him a thick dossier of press clippings documenting Pirandello’s conduct abroad. The dossier had been compiled by Enrico Corradini,[74] who was then aspiring to the mantle of national playwright. Pirandello’s response was startling: he pulled his Party card from his pocket, tore it to pieces, and flung it onto the table under the hierarch’s gaze.[75] He ripped the badge from his lapel and hurled it to the floor, then strode out in indignation. They had to run after him, soothe him, beg his pardon.
Another of his interventions was the commemorative address he gave at the Accademia d’Italia, in a public session, on Giovanni Verga.[76] By way of digression, he spoke of d’Annunzio, drawing comparisons between life and life, between work and work, between teaching and teaching. D’Annunzio was regarded as the regime’s champion. In the hall, among the members of the Academy, sat many of his political allies. Some could no longer keep to their seats; they paced with restless steps through the adjoining rooms while Pirandello spoke on, relentless. The ladies in the audience were left dumbfounded. It was, in effect, an accusation against the whole of contemporary society. At any moment, it seemed, an incident might erupt, and it would have taken very little, were it not for the fear of a greater scandal that counseled restraint. Pirandello himself had no political convictions, save those imprinted upon him by his family’s Risorgimento tradition.[77] One of his grandfathers had lived in exile in Malta.[78] No small number of misunderstandings, and the general inexperience with politics that marked his entire generation of writers, must have led him to confuse nationalism with patriotism.
And then, he was a man of first impressions and sudden impulses, and perhaps of resentments that clashed and shifted without cease, only to subside at last into calm. To judge him from this angle, one must picture a man flung from nearly fifty years lived in near obscurity into a blinding fame; and the moment of that fame coincided with the rise of a political regime that, out of calculation, bestowed upon him high honors. One must also recall the scorn of that time, felt by many men of letters, toward democracy. It was the legacy of an aesthetic rebellion that had already claimed more than a few victims in Italian culture, and that left the country, in its deepest crisis, bereft of any guide or point of reference. In recent years he had stripped himself of everything dear. He came and went; of the seasons of his life, his room bore only books in many languages, a little figurine of Ibsen given to him in Norway, a medal presented by Sicilians in Argentina: all jumbled together, thrust among a thousand other memories into the bottoms of drawers, or forgotten atop a wardrobe. Never before in Italy had there been a man who cared less for his own image. Likewise, there had never been a poet so far removed from the rigid tracks of literary tradition. His personality, revealed in a vast and sometimes impenetrable body of work, often reached the heights of great art by unknown, wholly unconventional paths. His very name was enough to conjure up the image of an era, a way of being and acting. At times, it took only a trifle to lift him clear of banality; with very little, he could rise to heights known to few of his contemporaries. His right to sit among the immortals of literature was gained more often than not by ways that were anything but simple. His language, crabbed and mannered in its beginnings, became in the best of his works a natural mode of expression; his obsessions at a certain point seized the man himself and turned into regrets, dreams, nightmares, signs of destiny. For in truth, no great poet exists without fixed ideas. Even now, the transmutation of values in Pirandello’s art is not entirely clear; nor is it plain how his provincial figures, clad in black, came to embody the protagonists of a bourgeois world gripped by the shudders of an overturned age. And it is no less mysterious how the broad farce of the provinces, at a given temperature, could return to the model of classical comedy. His secret and his strength lay in what he had believed as a child and young man, in his very prejudices: in short, in the heritage of his bourgeois stock—in the painful dignity of the provincial middle classes, in their hidden sacrifices, their capacity for wonder and belief, even in their share of malice and spite, of rivalry and pride and worship of appearances, of ideals and secret impulses which, once they brought them face to face with the world, drove them back in horror, for they always imagined it loftier, nobler. Pirandello’s revolt in the face of certain facts sprang from nothing else but these reasons and urgings. He belonged to a class still capable of ideals, and of sacrifice.
At first, the very society of which Pirandello was writing the history leapt up in outrage, almost as indignant as his own characters when they suddenly find themselves exposed upon the stage. They believe in truth and honesty; they have divided the world into good and evil and never dreamed of erasing those boundaries. They cling to an absolute, incontrovertible truth, each carrying within himself his own god and his own judge. They struggle against the malice of mankind, which tears away their last veils, their last modest, dignified appearances. At a certain point they confess, with pain; they long to be lofty, noble, pure, even if no loftiness or greatness truly exists. Still, they wish it might be believed in. When the Father, in Six Characters in Search of an Author,[79] begins to tell his story, he does so almost as if in a dream. In Pirandello’s work, whenever a man begins to speak about himself out loud, he discovers what he truly is. Guilt, sin, error—feelings of immense weight in Pirandello’s world—come into focus like a photographic plate under the bite of acid. It is the act of definition that destroys men; the utterance of words becomes a form of confession and atonement. Dramas unfold in the very act of being spoken. So long as everything lies buried in the depths of conscience, it remains uncreated, unjudged, and man remains at peace. But in speaking, man creates and shapes himself; he lays down his destiny. To reach this point required a writer attuned to the obscure recesses of consciousness, one himself wounded by the very prejudices that weave the fate of heroes in ancient tragedies, and that form the bedrock of popular psychology, its rough justice and its shadowy laws. Man invents himself, and discovers himself, through speech.
I have never known an artist more impervious to nature, nor a man less moved by that other fossilized nature which we call the ruins of the ancient world. I first noticed this one evening along the Appian Way,[80] when the wind seemed to drive the road into infinity and bend the cypresses like dark sails. I asked him what he thought of it; he replied that the whole spectacle was sinister. It is in this very insensitivity to natural phenomena that the Greek element in him lies:that haunted, fateful quality belonging to a civilization we can now measure against our own, for it approaches the modern world more nearly than any other, and is far from the serene vision it was once long supposed to be, in the years when the storms of history were still remote. Pirandello transposed every feeling for nature into a fatal law of the heart and the senses. His works are peopled with ancient revenants, and time itself takes on the hues of forgotten solar myths and lunar myths. Hours conspire in dark events, exerting influence over human beings as in the lore of witches, or in that other law by which the moon governs human acts,[81] swells the seas, abets births, and makes certain fish poisonous. At the depths of Pirandello, there is a whole tangle of ancestral superstitions and forces greater than man.[82] After so many years of deterministic literature,[83] in his work once more resounded the shriek of owls and the horns of the moon: the very phenomena that shaped the fabric of Shakespeare’s plays.
In 1932, when several of Pirandello’s plays were revived on stage, it seemed as though the author himself were undergoing a second birth into art. His work is too much a creature of its own time not to reflect the shifting tides of the years, and within them it acts almost like a reagent. Born as a sign of its age, a symptom of custom and a forerunner of human crisis, time itself reshapes its value and meaning. It was curious to see, for instance, how The Rules of the Game (Il giuoco delle parti, 1918),[84] stripped of the polemical charge it carried at its first appearance, returned almost in the guise of a Bernstein comedy.[85] Yet, unlike a bourgeois comedy, there is in it something that transcends convention: the pure framework of an archetypal drama, ancient in spirit, with only faint remnants recalling the drawing-room comedies that Pirandello had encountered in his path and formation. The fact is that in Pirandello the bourgeois comedy becomes something immensely serious. Seen as it was then, bourgeois theater of that period was dominated by a practical unease, revolving around wealth, status, and the struggle to get ahead. Compare it with the world of Ibsen,[86] intended as the world of an ascending bourgeoisie, out of which nearly all modern theater was born, and the difference is clear. In Ibsen we find individuality, the fullest expression of self, of one’s own morality: the shining hallmarks of the bourgeoisie at its rise. In the epigones, those inquietudes dwindle into mere irritations, and the inward conquest of self-expression hardens into greed for external possessions; the struggle for the woman, so powerfully staged in The Master Builder,[87] sinks into the paltry distress of Bernstein’s Samson,[88] which merely repeats the theme. One might continue tracing parallels between Ibsenism and bourgeois theater—between Hedda Gabler,[89] for example, and Wedding March.[90] But by this point, the bourgeoisie as a class was buckling under the burden it had taken on. Drama, like every other form of literature, was shattering on the same rocks, and what remained was nothing more than a matter of appetites.
Pirandello captures this precise moment, before two decades of criticism and events would make it explicit: his arrival on the theatrical horizon carries this prophetic weight. In the face of self-disorientation and crepuscular melancholy, in Pirandello’s hands the weary drawing-room comedy finds a capacity to react; within it, man rises up like a desperate hero. The revision of conventional values, the search for a moral fulcrum, becomes almost unbearably sharp. In the end, the individual (in his modest jacket) might well don the peplos of tragedy: he can once again kill, that is, offend, assert the force of a fundamental truth, of a moral fact, of a conscience. In bourgeois drama everything had fatally ended in suicide.[91] The value of Pirandello’s contribution to the history of manners lies in a kind of intuition of a new society; his characters can be reduced to a single expression, a single stance: a revolt against everything in bourgeois life that no longer holds vital substance, a passage from appetites to instincts. In Pirandello, killing becomes a sanction of instinct, the voice of blood, the return of man to a human fatality and to a law. One of the paths by which Pirandello works is Hamletism; all his characters carry within them something of Hamlet, and among them a direct descendant is Henry IV. Like Hamlet, his figures move within a world of exhausted traditions, bearing within themselves something essential: the taste of death, the demon of thought weighed against the weakness of will. Madness, too, appears in Pirandello as a way of regaining the sense of human personality, and at the same time as something fated that transcends man’s very self and his will.[92] We are, then, in the presence of a truth’s return, of a moral force in feeling that manifests itself with the same violence with which it once erupted in Greek tragedy. At a certain point, moral laws acquire the violence of instinct, striking blindly as fate itself once struck.
Endnotes
1. No One Knows How (Non si sa come) is a three-act play written by Luigi Pirandello in 1934 and conceived for the actor Alessandro Moissi, an Austrian of Italo-Albanian origins who died in March 1935 before he could perform the role. The play draws inspiration from Pirandello’s earlier short stories “In the Whirlpool” (“Nel gorgo,” 1913), “Cinci” (1932), and “The Reality of the Dream” (“La realtà del sogno,” 1914). It premiered in Prague on December 19, 1934, in a Czech translation by Venceslao Jiřina, while its Italian premiere took place on December 13, 1935, at the Teatro Argentina in Rome, staged by the Compagnia Ruggero Ruggeri.
2. Alvaro is almost certainly referring here to Pierre Chenal’s film Il fu Mattia Pascal (1937), which was an adaptation of Pirandello’s famous novel The Late Mattia Pascal (Il fu Mattia Pascal, 1904). The film diverged significantly from the original narrative. It was shot at the Cines Studios in Rome, where Pirandello himself was present during production, reviewing and annotating Chenal’s screenplay by adding handwritten corrections and comments. Chenal’s final rendition substantially reshaped the plot, including a markedly different ending from that of the book. During the shooting period Pirandello fell ill on set; he contracted pneumonia and died only a few days later, on December 10, 1936.
3. Olinda Pirandello was the wife of the painter Fausto Pirandello (1899–1975), the younger son of Luigi Pirandello. Olinda remained largely outside the public eye, though she played a central role in her husband’s life, while Fausto established himself as one of the foremost Italian painters of the Novecento movement. Today, little documentation survives about Olinda beyond her family ties and presence within Fausto’s close circle.
4. The play Think It Over, Giacomino! (Pensaci, Giacomino!) was drawn from a previous short story of the same title, published by Pirandello in Nuova Antologia in 1910. He later reworked the material into a one-act play, which premiered in 1917 and was subsequently included among his celebrated Maschere nude series. The two versions, closely related in theme and characters, reflect Pirandello’s characteristic practice of revisiting narrative material across different genres.
5. Right You Are (If You Think So) (Così è (se vi pare)) is a three-act play first staged at the Teatro Olimpia in Milan on June 18, 1917, and published the same year. The play belongs to Pirandello’s early phase of dramatic production, preceding Six Characters in Search of an Author (Sei personaggi in cerca d’autore, 1921). It dramatizes the impossibility of attaining objective truth, a common Pirandellian trope. The play takes place in a provincial town that becomes obsessed with uncovering the “real story” behind a mysterious Signora Frola and her enigmatic son-in-law, Signor Ponza. Both of these characters offer their own perspective on their backstory; and both seem convincing despite contradicting one another; this interplay of perspectives prepares the audience for a climactic revelation that the truth exists only “as you think it to be” (another way of rendering the parenthetical of the title). This play exemplifies Pirandello’s philosophy of perspectivism, exposing the instability of appearances and the multiplicity of realities. Critics often cite the play as a precursor to the “theater of the absurd,” foreshadowing later explorations of uncertainty and subjectivity in twentieth-century drama.
6. The Casa Museo Luigi Pirandello in Agrigento, Sicily, which was Pirandello’s birthplace, now serves as a museum dedicated to his life and works. The writer’s ashes are preserved there in a simple stone monument, in accordance with his final wishes.
7. The first son of Luigi Pirandello, Stefano Pirandello (1895–1972) was himself a writer and playwright. Although he pursued an independent literary career publishing novels, stories, and plays under his own name and occasionally the pseudonym Stefano Landi, his life and work were closely bound to that of his famous father. After Luigi’s death in 1936, Stefano took on the responsibility of managing and preserving his father’s legacy, including overseeing productions of his plays and the posthumous publication of his works. Their relationship was marked by both admiration and the inevitable tension of artistic inheritance: Stefano respected his father’s towering influence yet also sought to establish a distinct voice of his own within Italian literature.
8. Pirandello was born in a rural district near Agrigento, Sicily, named Caos or Chaos. The name, which in Sicilian dialect simply designates the area, carries the serendipitous resonance of the Greek khaos—a fitting coincidence for the writer whose work so often probes the fractures, ambiguities, and dissonances of human identity.
9. The “Duce” refers to Benito Mussolini, leader (a translation of “duce”) of the Fascist Party and dictator of Italy throughout the period known as the Fascist Ventennio (twenty-year period). His relationship with Pirandello was complex and often contradictory. In 1924, Pirandello joined the Fascist Party and publicly expressed admiration for Mussolini, even dedicating his Nobel Prize medal (1934) to the Duce. Yet his personal writings and plays often exposed the instability of identity and the absurdity of power, two elements that sit uneasily with Fascist ideology. Some critics view Pirandello’s allegiance as opportunistic or pragmatic, a way to secure patronage for his theater company, while others argue it reflected the pressures of cultural life under the dictatorship. The reference here is to the explicit instructions left by Pirandello for a private and unadorned cremation, without pomp or ceremony. Mussolini opposed this idea, seeing so modest a farewell as unsuited for so prominent a figure, both a Nobel laureate and a national icon; Mussolini wanted to stage a more public and ceremonial commemoration, folding Pirandello’s death into Fascism’s cult of spectacle.
10. When Pirandello died in 1936, he asked that his funeral be kept simple. No flowers, no speeches, no ceremony. He wanted his body cremated, which was an unusual choice in Catholic Italy at the time, and his ashes scattered in the sea or, if that wasn’t possible, left at the foot of a pine tree on the Sicilian coast. Even in death, it was Pirandello’s desire to resist display, choosing silence over tribute.
11. First published in the Corriere della Sera on November 7, 1934, “Someone’s Laughing” (“C’è qualcuno che ride”) was later gathered into Pirandello’s Stories for a Year (Novelle per un anno) when it appeared posthumously in the final volume, A Single Day (Una giornata), issued by Mondadori in 1937. Written in the very year Pirandello was awarded the Nobel Prize, the tale exemplifies a recurring feature of the series: a title drawn from a phrase spoken by one of its characters.
12. Pirandello lived for many years in a house on Via Antonio Bosio in Rome, a quiet street near Villa Torlonia. It was there that he worked through some of his most decisive years, writing late into the night in a study filled with books, manuscripts, and the silence he prized. Today, the house has been preserved as a museum, where visitors can see Pirandello’s manuscripts, personal effects (such as his iconic typewriter), and the spaces in which he shaped much of his work.
13. The Office of Weights and Measures (Ufficio di Pesi e Misure) no longer exists as a single unit in the Italian state. It is possible that at that time it was located in the same building as Pirandello's apartment, but now it is part of the Camera di Commercio. The Ufficio di Pesi e Misure is now known as Servizio Metrico.
14. Known as the ancient port city of Rome, Ostia lies about 30 kilometers (~18 miles) southwest of the capital, near the mouth of the river Tiber.
15. In 1934, two years before Pirandello’s death, Corrado Alvaro himself had edited and published the so-called Foglietti, a scattered collection of Pirandello’s fragments and notes, which offered glimpses into the author’s final reflections and unfinished thoughts. The collection was republished posthumously in Almanacco letterario Bompiani (1938) and in Sipario (December 1952). Here Alvaro is drawing attention to Pirandello’s habit of jotting down thoughts spontaneously on whatever scraps of paper were at hand, without any consistent method of preserving them. After his death, this practice made the task of cataloguing his notes especially difficult for editors.
16. Henry IV (Enrico IV, 1922) is among Pirandello’s most celebrated plays, a tragic exploration of madness, role-playing, and the unstable boundaries between illusion and reality. The unnamed protagonist, after falling from a horse during a historical pageant, continues to live as though he were the medieval emperor Henry IV. Around him, courtiers and doctors sustain the masquerade until it becomes unclear whether his madness is delusion, lucid refuge, or the ultimate insight into the masks all people wear. Like much of Pirandello’s theater, the play stages the disintegration of fixed identity and the cruel comedy of human perception.
17. Pirandello made two trips to the United States in the 1920s and 1930s. The first, in 1923–24, brought him to New York, where he oversaw the staging of Six Characters in Search of an Author and encountered both admiration and bewilderment from American audiences. The second, in 1935, took him once more across the Atlantic, both for new stage productions and to pursue his dream of working in cinema. It is difficult to determine which of the two trips Alvaro is referring to here, but what is certain is that on both occasions Pirandello received gifts from numerous associations, particularly those of Italians then living in the United States. The typewriter may well have been among these tokens of esteem. Pirandello also traveled to South America in the 1920s (see note 70 below).
18. Fausto Pirandello (1899–1975), the younger son of Luigi, was a painter associated with the Scuola Romana. His work combined a stark realism with muted, often somber tones, focusing on the human body in its everyday, sometimes brutal, materiality. Though overshadowed by the literary fame of his father, who often criticized his art, Fausto developed a distinctive style marked by psychological intensity, oscillating between post-impressionist and expressionist influences, and later, a more abstract, textured handling of form.
19. Murano chandeliers, with their intricate glasswork of twisting arms, floral motifs, and luminous droplets, enjoyed immense popularity in Italy at that time. Produced on the Venetian island of Murano, where glassmaking traditions date back to the Middle Ages, these chandeliers combined artisanal mastery with the era’s taste for display. They adorned not just private houses but also fashionable cafés where intellectuals used to gather.
20. The Italian term Alvaro uses here is ‘scranne’, a word deriving from the Longobard ‘skranna’, designating a stately chair with a high back and carved armrests, often employed in solemn settings by judges, kings, and dignitaries. The term carries strong literary associations, as Dante himself frequently employed it.
21. A Renaissance-inspired design, popular in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Italy, modeled after chairs associated with the Dominican friar Girolamo Savonarola (1452–1498). Typically, these were folding wooden chairs with curving, X-shaped frames, and high backs often decorated with religious or heraldic motifs. They conveyed a sense of austerity that evoked the moral severity of Savonarola himself.
22. The reference here is to the classical style of the major nineteenth-century poet Giosuè Carducci (1835-1907), who advocated for clarity of form, erudition, and the revival of Greco-Roman models as a stylistic guide. Pirandello’s early formation bore this same imprint, as demonstrated by his taste for learned references and rhetorical balance. Yet he soon diverged, rejecting Carducci’s celebratory neoclassicism for a more ironic, fractured vision of the self, setting the stage for his modernist experimentation.
23. Here Alvaro highlights how Pirandello distanced himself from the work of Gabriele d’Annunzio (1863-1938), one of the most famous men of letters in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. D’Annunzio was known in particular for his association with literary decadence, or decadentismo in Italian; and Pirandello rejected his style because he considered it overly ornate, decadent, and bound up with a cult of aestheticism. Where d’Annunzio exalted style and sensuality, Pirandello pursued irony, psychological fragmentation, and the absurd contradictions of everyday life. Despite being, arguably, the two most famous writers of their time in Italy, their literary temperaments were almost antithetical: d’Annunzio’s rhetorical flourish versus Pirandello’s stark, destabilizing realism.
24. Alvaro is likely referring to Sonnet XVI (“Sì come nella penna e nell’inchiostro”), in which Michelangelo compares the written word to sculpture, reflecting on how both forms of art can give rise to different forms depending on the artist's will and skill. The key lines from the sonnet in this regard come from the first stanza: “From ink, from pen in hand we see outflow / the several styles: high, low, and in-between; / so out of stone come noble forms or mean, / depending on how imaginative the art.”: Michelangelo Buonarroti, The Complete Poems of Michelangelo, trans. John Frederick Nims (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1998), p. 63, vv. 1-4.
25. Throughout his life, Pirandello maintained a habit of keeping small notebooks, where he jotted fragments of thoughts, images, and ideas for plays and stories. These were not polished drafts so much as reservoirs of observation, written with the same immediacy he later brought to his fictional work. See for example, The Bonn Notebook (Taccuino di Bonn, 1889-1891), The Coazze Notebook (Taccuino di Coazze, 1901-1903), and The Secret Notebook (Taccuino segreto, 1895-1910).
26. A novelist, playwright, and critic, Massimo Bontempelli (1878–1960) became the leading theorist of Novecentismo and an advocate of magical realism. Pirandello maintained a complex relationship with him, ranging from admiration to disagreement, and their paths crossed repeatedly in the literary scene of the 1910s and 1920s. Bontempelli praised Pirandello’s theatrical innovations but also sought to distance himself from Pirandello’s obsession with the disintegration of identity and his tragic sense of relativism. Bontempelli advocated instead for a re-enchantment of the everyday, proposing literature as a means to recover myth and wonder in modern life.
27. This is a frequently cited aphorism that encapsulates the tension Pirandello saw between existence as lived experience and existence as representation. It appeared in a letter to his friend Ugo Ojetti, where Pirandello lamented the impossibility of both fully experiencing life and simultaneously recording it, confessing his own struggle to distinguish between living and writing. Pirandello admitted that he could truly “live” life only in the act of putting it into words. The aphorism has thus become shorthand for his philosophy of art and existence, where creation and life are inextricably bound yet fundamentally opposed. See: Luigi Pirandello, Carteggi inediti, ed. Sarah Zappulla Muscarà (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981), p. 82.
28. Pirandello knew Boccaccio’s work well, especially his masterpiece, the Decameron, and not just because it was part of his literary training. Pirandello saw him as a master of the short story form, and his own early tales sometimes echoed the anecdotal structure of Boccaccio’s storytelling, though refracted through the lens of his modern irony and skepticism. The small edition of Boccaccio mentioned here may function as a symbolic statement of Pirandello’s admiration for him, which even close friends such as Alvaro were aware of.
29. Porta Pinciana is one of the ancient gates of Rome in the Aurelian Walls, located at the northern end of Via Veneto, near Villa Borghese.
30. In 1920, on the occasion of Giovanni Verga’s eightieth birthday, Pirandello delivered a speech after which Verga uttered the enigmatic remark that Alvaro has reported here: “What is written is written.” Eleven years later, in 1931, marking the fiftieth anniversary of Verga’s realist masterpiece I Malavoglia, Pirandello returned to his great predecessor in the Discourse on Verga (Discorso su Verga), hailing him as a “writer of things,” that is, a serious writer, not merely one “of words,” like d’Annunzio, who took great offense at the comparison.
31. In this passage, Alvaro highlights the paradox of Italy in the late nineteenth century: it is a nation diminished in material wealth and social conditions yet still burdened with and sustained by the grandeur of its cultural tradition. Literary society seemed to be clinging to the past, even as a new society and class structure emerged from the Risorgimento.
32. This general comment most likely refers to how Alessandro Manzoni depicted the poor in his most important work, the historical novel The Betrothed (I promessi sposi, 1827), which was marked by a distinctly Catholic sensibility. Manzoni framed suffering as part of a providential order such that his humble characters often sought consolation in submission, patience, and the hope of divine justice.
33. “The She-Wolf” (“La lupa,” 1880) is one of Giovanni Verga’s most famous short stories; it forms part of his collection Life in the Fields (Vita dei campi). Set in rural Sicily, it tells the story of a sensual, domineering woman whose overwhelming passion destroys her and those around her. The story is emblematic of Verga’s verismo (Italian realism), blending stark naturalism with mythic intensity. The “she-wolf” is in fact both a figure of raw desire and a symbol of untamed, destructive vitality.
34. The Daughter of Iorio (La figlia di Iorio, 1904) is a tragedy in verse by Gabriele d’Annunzio, inspired by the folklore of his native Abruzzo as well as the traditions of peasant life there. It tells the story of Mila di Codra, a woman ostracized by her community and caught in a doomed love affair, embodying themes of passion, superstition, and the conflict between individual desire and collective judgment.
35. Both in his short stories and in his theater, Pirandello confronted the contradictions, anxieties, and aspirations of the Italian “petty bourgeoisie,” as Alvaro calls it here, exploring the disquieting feelings experienced by those social classes that rose in the aftermath of the Risorgimento but struggled to reconcile tradition, modernity, and identity. In this sense, Pirandello’s work extended and transformed the social terrain that Verga had begun to explore but left unfinished.
36. In 1934, Pirandello was given the role of director for a production of Gabriele d’Annunzio’s The Daughter of Iorio at the Teatro Argentina in Rome as part of the celebrations for the Convegno Volta. His appointment to this role was orchestrated by the Fascist regime, which sought both to stage a symbolic reconciliation between the two celebrated but temperamentally opposed writers and to have an internationally renowned dramatist direct a work acclaimed in Europe as a popular and poetic masterpiece of Italian theater. The official gesture, however, produced no genuine collaboration. As anecdotes and scattered correspondence suggest, Pirandello and d’Annunzio remained distant. Pirandello, informed only at the last minute, expressed his resentment in letters to Marta Abba at being forced to accept the assignment.
37. Anecdotal accounts recall that during his first stay in America (1923–24), Pirandello was presented with a gold medal by an association of Sicilian emigrants at a banquet held in his honor in New York City. Alvaro may be referring to this episode.
38. With the declaration of war in Ethiopia, Pirandello, who had just returned from a stay in America, decided to make a patriotic contribution to the “fatherland” (“la patria” in Italian). Along with other gold objects in his possession, he donated his Nobel Prize medal, hence the empty box mentioned by Alvaro. Manlio Lo Vecchio-Musti recounts the episode in these words: “During the Ethiopian campaign, he gave to the Fatherland all the gold he owned, including the Nobel Prize medal, a gesture that aroused in Sweden the indignation of hypocrites and fools. Naturally, he paid them no heed…”: Manlio Lo Vecchio Musti, Bibliografia di Pirandello (Milan: Mondadori, 1940).
39. Alvaro’s comments here may shed some light on Pirandello’s interest in Petrarch. It is worth noting that Pirandello’s early friendships and reading habits nourished his literary imagination. Among these, his close bond with Enrico Sicardi (1866–1928), a scholar of Dante and Petrarch and one of Pirandello’s dearest friends in youth, may have introduced him more directly to Petrarch’s works. Their relationship emerges clearly from Pirandello’s letters, where Pirandello frequently mentions Sicardi and likewise exchanges literary advice with him directly. In the archives of the Istituto di Studi Pirandelliani e sul Teatro Contemporaneo, located in Pirandello’s old apartment and study on Via Bosio in Rome, two of Sicardi’s articles are catalogued: one on Petrarch and the other on Dante. These include notes by Pirandello in the margins as well as corrections, suggesting at least an indirect engagement with Petrarch through Sicardi’s scholarship.
40. The reference here is no doubt to the actress Marta Abba (1900–1988), who became both Pirandello’s muse and the leading actress in his plays from the mid-1920s onward. Their bond was deeply complex, marked by Pirandello’s passionate devotion and Abba’s more pragmatic mixture of affection, distance, and ambition. Between 1925 and Pirandello’s death in 1936, he wrote her hundreds of letters, some fervently intimate, others full of artistic guidance and theatrical concerns. Abba preserved their correspondence, which was later published, revealing not only Pirandello’s emotional dependence on her but also his reliance on her as a living embodiment of his theatrical vision. See: Pirandello’s Love Letters to Marta Abba, ed. and trans. Benito Ortolani (Princeton University Press, 1994); Pietro Frassica, Her Maestro's Echo: Pirandello and the Actress Who Conquered Broadway in One Evening (Troubador, 2010); Daniela Bini, Pirandello and His Muse: The Plays for Marta Abba (University Press of Florida, 1998).
41. A Single Day (Una giornata) is not a stand-alone book in the sense of a novel, but rather is the title of the fifteenth Collection of Pirandello’s Stories for a Year (Novelle per un anno), which was published posthumously by Mondadori in 1937. Included in this collection was also a story by the same title, which had been previously published in the newspaper Il Corriere della Sera on September 24, 1936, just a few months before Pirandello’s unexpected and untimely death.
42. “Effects of an Interrupted Dream” (“Effetti di un sogno interrotto,” 1936) came out just a day before Pirandello passed on December 10, 1936. In this tale, the author transforms dream sensations into lived experiences that exert a tangible impact on the psyche and on an individual’s life, unsettling the boundary between dream and reality. The protagonist feels as though he has dreamed something, yet the force of the dream is so powerful that it blurs the dividing line between sleep and wakefulness, allowing dream-images to spill over into the reality that is perceived and lived.
43. Ugo Ojetti (1871–1946) was an Italian writer, journalist, and art critic, a prominent cultural figure of the early twentieth century. He maintained a cordial friendship with Luigi Pirandello, often frequenting the same literary salons and intellectual circles. They also exchanged numerous letters, which reveal their mutual respect. Ojetti’s recollections and anecdotes provide valuable glimpses into the playwright’s private life and personal attitudes. See Luigi Pirandello, Carteggi inediti con Ojetti, Albertini, Orvieto, Novara, De Gubernatis, De Filippo. Edited by Sarah Zappulla Muscarà. Bulzoni: Rome, 1980.
44. Alvaro’s assessment of the complex role of women in Pirandello’s corpus and in his personal life reflects the deep ambiguity that critics have long noted in their research on this topic. On the one hand, Pirandello shared many of the typical views of gender difference of his time, as well as idealizing visions of woman as love-object drawn from the Italian literary tradition (from Dante’s Stilnovismo and Petrarch’s love poetry, especially); on the other, he had an acute sensitivity to the ways in which women suffered as the extreme victims of social and legal structures that limited and confined them in turn-of-the-century Italy: Umberto Mariani, La donna in Pirandello: L’estrema vittima (Sciascia, 2013). Likewise, he also saw the feminine as a kind of philosophical principle that could undermine the rigidity of male social/political/legal structures themselves: Daniela Bini, Pirandello and His Muse: The Plays for Marta Abba (University Press of Florida, 1998). See also on this topic: Alberica Bazzoni, “The (Un)Masking of Patriarchal Power in Pirandello’s Six Characters in Search of an Author and Clothing the Naked.” MLN, vol. 135, no. 1 (2020), pp. 152–74; Enza De Francisci, A ‘New’ Woman in Verga and Pirandello: From Page to Stage (Legenda, 2018); Michael Subialka, “Pirandello’s Mother: Feminine Perception and Double Vision,” PSA, vol. 26 (2013), pp. 71-95.
45. In Man, Beast and Virtue (L'uomo, la bestia e la virtù, 1919), a biting comedy Pirandello himself called “a farse,” the hypocrisies of bourgeois morality are exposed through the story of a seemingly respectable professor who schemes to force a brutish sea captain to perform his marital duties toward his neglected wife. Blending farce with satire, the play highlights Pirandello’s interest in the masks of social respectability and the unsettling interplay between virtue and vice.
46. Here Alvaro makes another clear reference to Marta Abba and the time she spent with Pirandello. As a matter of fact, Abba accompanied Pirandello during his stays in Berlin, where he worked intensively in the theater world between 1928 and 1930. Their time together in the city marked one of the most significant periods of their personal and artistic relationship, with Abba not just serving as his muse and constant companion but also seeking to establish herself in the film industry, supported by Pirandello’s encouragement and connections. The venture, however, proved unsuccessful, and after only a few months she returned to Rome, leaving Pirandello in a state of deep sadness and despair.
47. It is possible that Alvaro is alluding here to the house on Via Alessandro Torlonia, where Pirandello resided before moving to Via Bosio. There he often received fellow intellectuals, including playwright Pier Maria Rosso di San Secondo (1887-1956), the literary critics Giuseppe Antonio Borgese (1882-1952) and Attilio Momigliano (1883-1952), and the socialist journalist Giovanni Cena (1870-1917).
48. This is a reference to Pirandello’s first trip to America, where he spent a few months between 1923 and 1924 in New York.
49. Pirandello was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1934, when he was already internationally celebrated for his plays, novels, and short stories. The citation recognizes him “for his bold and brilliant renovation of the drama and the stage.”
50. After Pirandello’s death in 1936, his handwritten will, which had been drafted decades earlier, requested cremation and the scattering of his ashes. At the time, since cremation was forbidden by the Catholic church, his ashes were first placed in the Verano cemetery in Rome. Years of political and ecclesiastical hesitation followed until, in 1946, they were transferred to Agrigento. There, with the involvement of Alcide De Gasperi, the remains were placed in the fifth-century BCE Attic red-figure vase once owned by Pirandello’s father, which Alvaro mentions here. The journey of the vase was farcical and at times surreal: an aborted military flight, a train ride where the funerary crate was used as a card table, and finally a second funeral, against Pirandello’s own wishes, complete with Christian rites. The vase was installed in his birthplace until a monumental tomb at Caos was completed, where the ashes were eventually sealed, though not all of them fit, and part may have been lost to the wind (or so legend claims). Later controversies arose, including DNA tests in 1994 that suggested the vase held a mixture of remains, and conflicting testimonies about whether the ashes had really been dispersed.
51. Pirandello left Italy for Berlin in 1928, after the collapse of his theatrical company (the Teatro d’Arte), which could no longer reconcile its artistic mission with the cultural policies imposed by Mussolini. In letters to friends, Pirandello described a restless desire to flee “as far as possible from Italy,” lured both by the prospect of a German film company adapting Six Characters in Search of an Author and by his wish to secure a cinematic career for his beloved prima donna, Marta Abba. While in the German capital, Pirandello was often interviewed by Corrado Alvaro, who was a newspaper correspondent there and with whom he shared personal thoughts on his “voluntary exile,” as he liked to call his move. In one of these interviews with Alvaro, Pirandello even praised the German stage for its discipline, technical resources, and precision, noting that actors “do not merely perform, they live with every appearance of reality minutely observed”: Corrado Alvaro, La fiera letteraria (April 14, 1929). At the same time, though, he missed the inspired improvisation of the Italian tradition. After violent protests against the premiere of his new play Tonight We Improvise (Questa sera si recita a soggetto, 1930), Pirandello left Berlin in 1930, returning only once more, in 1936, for an academic conference; by then his plays had been banned under the Nazi regime, and he remarked bitterly on the cultural stifling atmosphere of Goebbels’s Germany.
52. Pirandello’s engagement with Shakespeare was not casual: he owned editions of the plays as well as essays devoted to Shakespeare’s art, in addition to keeping abreast of the critical debates that surrounded the English playwright by, among other things, reviewing new articles written about him. In his landmark essay On Humor (Umorismo, 1908), Pirandello brings Shakespeare into the discussion not simply by way of homage but as a touchstone for articulating one vision of aesthetics and for clarifying Pirandello’s particular understanding of humor. His admiration for Hamlet was especially significant, and it is no accident that in his 1923 essay New Theater and Old Theater (Teatro nuovo e teatro vecchio) he invoked this play to situate Shakespeare within the lineage of dramatists who, for him, belonged to the “teatro nuovo.”
53. Alvaro refers here to the tale told by Pampinea in Boccaccio’s Decameron (Day 8, Story 7), which recounts the story of a man who, after being mocked and made to suffer in the cold and snow by a woman, takes his revenge by forcing her to endure the heat. The tale belongs to the day’s theme, which Boccaccio dedicates to tricks and deceptions, especially those played by wives upon their husbands.
54. Pirandello writes about the fictional character as a kind of imaginary but real being with its own life independent of the author. This theory of the pre-existing character as a separate entity with its own inner reality and thus its own necessity is ubiquitous in his works but finds its most famous instantiation in Six Characters in Search of an Author (Sei personaggi in cerca d’autore, 1921). For an in-depth study of the topic, see Ann Hallamore Caesar, Characters and Authors in Luigi Pirandello (Oxford University Press, 1998).
55. Founded in 1876 in Milan, the Corriere della Sera is still one of Italy’s most influential daily newspapers. During the early twentieth century it served not only as a political and cultural voice but also as a major outlet for literary works. Many prominent Italian writers, including Gabriele d’Annunzio, Italo Svevo, Eugenio Montale, and Luigi Pirandello, published stories, essays, and serialized fiction in its pages. For Pirandello, contributions to the Corriere in the 1920s and 1930s marked an important stage in his career, as they brought his prose to a wide bourgeois readership and allowed him to experiment with shorter narrative forms.
56. Tivoli, a hill town just east of Rome, was in Pirandello’s day a favored retreat for day trips and leisurely lunches, especially among writers, artists, and intellectuals. Its rustic trattorias, gardens, and countryside views made it a place where one could escape the stress of the city while still remaining within its cultural orbit. For Pirandello in particular, escaping the city into the countryside was also a major literary theme, one that predominates in works like his last novel, One, No One, and One Hundred Thousand (Uno, nessuno e centomila, 1926).
57. In the original Italian, this sentence appears in an indeterminate dialect form (“alla figliu me’”), which cannot be easily attributed to a specific region of Italy. However, what is worth nothing is the way dialect functions here as a form of code-switching, signaling the woman’s lower social status. This use of dialect as a social marker recurs frequently in Pirandello’s short stories, where linguistic variation serves to highlight class distinctions and the marginalization of subaltern voices. See, for instance, his short story “The Paper Fan” (“Il ventaglino,” 1903).
58. Il Novellino (also known as Le cento novelle antiche, One Hundred Ancient Tales) is a late thirteenth-century collection of short prose narratives in Italian, often regarded as one of the earliest examples of vernacular storytelling. Its brief, often moralizing tales offered portraits of medieval life, chivalric ideals, wit, and everyday experience. The work was significant not only for its role in shaping Italian narrative prose but also because it anticipated the later flowering of the novella (short story) tradition in authors such as Boccaccio.
59. George Bernard Shaw and Luigi Pirandello were contemporaries, and their works often shared the stage in early twentieth-century Europe, yet their relationship was more one of mutual recognition than personal closeness. Shaw admired Pirandello’s theatrical innovations, particularly his challenge to conventional notions of character and reality, while Pirandello, though less publicly vocal, acknowledged Shaw as a dramatist who likewise unsettled audiences with his intellectual daring. Both dramatists sought to expose social hypocrisies through the stage, though Shaw’s political satire contrasted with Pirandello’s metaphysical exploration of identity and illusion. Here, Alvaro seems to be building on the critical tendency to pair these two artists as emblems of a new European theater that resisted naturalism, though their artistic temperaments and philosophical preoccupations diverged sharply.
60. James Matthew Barrie (1860–1937) was a Scottish novelist and playwright, who is best remembered as the creator of Peter Pan (1904), a work that quickly became emblematic of Edwardian theatre and has since entered the cultural imagination as a symbol of the yearning for eternal youth. Barrie’s plays, often oscillating between whimsy and melancholy, share with Pirandello’s theater an acute sensitivity to the instability of identity and the tensions between appearance and reality, though expressed in a more sentimental and fantastical register. His reputation in the early twentieth century placed him alongside contemporaries such as Shaw, who Alvaro mentioned above, making him one of the dominant figures in Anglo-European theater.
61. Anecdotal accounts suggest that in December 1923 Pirandello embarked on the Duilio and landed in New York for his first trip overseas. The story, often repeated though difficult to verify in its particulars, holds that the voyage was made possible at the invitation and under the sponsorship of Henry Ford. This is a curious intersection of literary modernism and industrial capitalism, which, regardless of its truth, has acquired a symbolic resonance in Pirandello’s biography. It was sufficiently well-known that Alvaro could mention it in passing here with the assumption that his readers would be able to understand the reference.
62. As Italy’s most influential philosopher and critic of the early twentieth century, Benedetto Croce (1866-1952) was notably dismissive of Pirandello’s work. Croce saw art as the pure expression of intuition and feeling, free from conceptual or philosophical scaffolding. By that standard, he judged Pirandello’s theater as overly intellectual, more an exercise in ideas than an expression of authentic artistic intuition. In his brief and somewhat condescending remarks on Pirandello, Croce reduced his plays to philosophical paradoxes dressed in dramatic form, thereby denying them the full status of art. This judgment weighed heavily on Pirandello’s critical reception in Italy, where Croce’s authority was immense, and also ruled out any possibility of a personal relationship between the two men. Pirandello, who felt misunderstood and confined by such labels, could hardly forgive Croce for this verdict that simultaneously marginalized his achievement and reinforced those misunderstandings about his allegedly “cerebral” art. Pirandello in turn responded against Croce in some of his own critical writing, including in his revised version of On Humor (L’umorismo), which he republished in 1921.
63. An influential philosopher and critic, Adriano Tilgher (1887-1941) was among the first to give Pirandello’s theater a systematic philosophical interpretation. He read Pirandello’s dramas as expressions of the conflict between “Life” (fluid, shifting, uncontrollable) and “Form” (the fixed roles, masks, and conventions imposed by society). This interpretation was initially decisive for Pirandello’s international recognition, as it provided a clear conceptual frame through which audiences and critics outside Italy could understand his otherwise unsettling and unconventional dramaturgy. Yet over time Pirandello came to feel imprisoned by Tilgher’s reading: the “Life versus Form” dichotomy, repeated endlessly by critics, reduced his work to a single philosophical scheme. What began as a crucial ally for his reputation soon became, in his eyes, a narrow cage, which affected their personal relationship over time.
64. The Accademia d’Italia, or Royal Italian Academy, was a cultural institution founded in 1926 by Benito Mussolini’s Fascist regime, intended to serve as the nation’s most important intellectual body. Modeled in part on the much older French Académie Française, it brought together leading writers, artists, and scientists under state patronage. Membership conferred prestige, financial support, and close association with the regime’s cultural policies. While it was meant to showcase Italy’s intellectual vitality, critics have often noted its political function as a tool of Fascist propaganda. In 1929, Pirandello was appointed a member of the Accademia d’Italia, making him one of the regime’s officially recognized intellectuals.
65. The text quoted here appears to refer to Mario Apollonio, Storia del teatro italiano, 3 Vols. (Florence: Sansoni, 1938-1946). We have not been able to locate the precise source of the quote from that work.
66. The expression “man with a suitcase” is often used to evoke Pirandello’s enduring sense of displacement after his departure from Italy for Berlin in 1928. That year marked the beginning of what he termed his “voluntary exile” from a country where he felt misunderstood and undervalued. His Berlin years were followed by another sojourn in Paris (1930–1932), a move that signaled his dissatisfaction with the Fascist regime and its stifling of intellectual freedom.
67. Alvaro seems to be suggesting that Pirandello’s relationship with Barrie (see footnote 58 above) was instrumental to Marta Abba’s touring in England. While it is difficult to track down precise historical information beyond what Alvaro describes here, there is a photo of Pirandello and Barrie together with Marta Abba from 1936, which has been published as part of an online study of Abba’s career: Maria Amici, “‘A Marta Abba per non morire’”: il ricordo di lei”: https://nephelais.wordpress.com/2012/12/16/a-marta-abba-per-non-morire-il-ricordo-di-lei/
68. Antonietta Portulano (1869–1959), Luigi Pirandello’s wife, was the daughter of a wealthy agrarian family in Girgenti (now Agrigento, Sicily); her father was, in fact, the business partner of Pirandello’s own father. Her marriage to Pirandello in 1894 was troubled from the outset, but after a catastrophic financial loss in 1903, when her dowry was wiped out in the collapse of a sulfur mine (which also wiped out the fortune of Pirandello’s father), her mental health deteriorated dramatically. Subject to intense paranoia and pathological jealousy, Antonietta became convinced that her husband was surrounded by lovers and rivals, seeing them even among household servants and acquaintances. Eventually diagnosed with a severe mental illness, she spent the latter part of her life in psychiatric care. The anguish of this relationship left deep traces in Pirandello’s work, which repeatedly explores themes of jealousy, madness, and the fragility of human bonds, as Alvaro discusses here.
69. Pirandello and Antonietta had three children: Stefano Pirandello (1895-1972), the eldest son, who was himself a writer and collaborated with his father on several projects, often under the pseudonym Stefano Landi (see note 6 above); Lietta Pirandello (1897-1978), their only daughter, who eventually left Italy after marrying Manuel Aguirre, a military attaché at the Chilean legation in Italy, whom she had met only a few months earlier; and Fausto Calogero Pirandello (1899-1975), who was a renowned painter belonging to the modern movement of the Scuola Romana (see note 16 above).
70. Although no corroborating evidence of this episode appears in other biographies or critical studies of Pirandello’s time in Paris, the account may nonetheless be read symbolically. At the very least, it may suggest Pirandello’s intention to remain permanently abroad, distancing himself from the suffocating climate of political oversight and censorship in Italy. His wish to secure an apartment rather than continue the transitory life of living in hotels underscores both a practical longing for stability and a tacit rejection of the regime’s intrusion into the arts.
71. Mussolini was displeased by Pirandello’s decision to move first to Berlin and later to Paris, fearing that such a relocation might be construed as a tacit act of defiance against Fascism. As the regime’s most celebrated man of letters, Pirandello was an important symbolic figure who would often be used in public occasions as proof of Fascist Italy’s cultural vitality. His withdrawal from Italy, therefore, could be interpreted both at home and abroad as a symbolic desertion, a gesture with heavy political resonance precisely because it came from the very intellectual whom Fascism had claimed as one of its brightest representatives.
72. In 1927, Pirandello undertook a celebrated tour of Latin America with his theatrical company, accompanied by Marta Abba, his muse and leading actress. Their itinerary included Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, where Pirandello presented productions of his major works to enthusiastic audiences, consolidating his international reputation. The trip, however, was not without controversy, as Alvaro hints here.
73. Gabriel Cacho Millet, in his Pirandello in Argentina (Novecento, 1987), p. 66, carefully reconstructs the chronology of Pirandello’s time in Brazil and points out how this sentence attributed to Alvaro does not appear in any contemporary press reports covering the writer’s visit. Millet suggests that the phrase reads less like a documented remark and more like a retrospective construction serving the purpose of framing Pirandello’s relationship with the Fascist regime in a particular light.
74. Enrico Corradini (1865–1931) was an Italian writer, journalist, and political figure, one of the early proponents of Italian nationalism and a forerunner of Fascist ideology. A co-founder of the Associazione Nazionalista Italiana (Italian Nationalist Association) in 1910, Corradini promoted the idea of Italy as a “proletarian nation” destined to assert itself against the established powers of Europe. After the First World War, he aligned himself with Mussolini and played a role in the ideological consolidation of the Fascist regime, though his literary ambitions as a dramatist never matched his political notoriety. Corradini also published novels and plays, such as La patria lontana (1905) and La guerra lontana (1911), which fused adventure narrative with nationalist themes, but his works were remembered more for their ideological content than for their literary merit.
75. Pirandello formally joined the National Fascist Party in September 1924, in the turbulent aftermath of Matteotti’s assassination, when Mussolini’s regime faced widespread condemnation and resignations from Parliament. His adherence was often explained as a gesture of loyalty to the embattled government and as a pragmatic move to secure support for his own theatrical ventures, including the newly established Teatro d’Arte for which he sought state patronage. Yet his membership was not untroubled, as attested by the anecdote Alvaro is reporting here.
76. Alvaro’s reference here is to Pirandello’s commemorative address on Giovanni Verga delivered at the Accademia d’Italia on December 3, 1931.
77. Pirandello’s interest in and writing about the Risorgimento was never purely historical but also deeply personal, rooted in the ideals handed down through his own family, who had been active proponents of the fight for Italian unification in the mid-1800s. He reworked these legacies most fully in his 1913 novel The Old and the Young (I vecchi e i giovani), where the fading hopes of the generation that had fought for Italy’s unification are contrasted with the disillusionment and moral exhaustion of their modern heirs. The novel offers a critical meditation on the distance between Risorgimento ideals and the compromised political reality of post-unification Italy, mirroring Pirandello’s ambivalence toward the inherited nationalism that had shaped his upbringing. Another key reflection on his family ties to the Risorgimento legacy can be found in the autobiographical short story “Interviews with Characters” (“Colloquii coi personaggi,” 1915), which focuses on Pirandello’s maternal grandparents as seen through the eyes of his mother.
78. Luigi Pirandello’s maternal grandfather, Giovanni Ricci Gramitto, went into exile in Malta following his involvement in the Sicilian revolutionary uprisings of 1848–49. Forced to flee after the revolt’s failure, he died there in 1850, scarcely a year after his banishment. Pirandello evoked both the events of 1848 and his family’s exile in Malta in The Old and the Young (1913) and in “Interviews with Characters” (1915) (see note 75 above).
79. In Pirandello’s most famous play, Six Characters in Search of an Author (1921), the “Characters” are made up of an emotionally troubled family (the Father, Mother, Stepdaughter, Son, Boy, and Little Girl), who intrude upon a theater rehearsal, demanding that their unfinished story be given form on stage. Each of them carries a fragment of the drama, with the Father embodying Pirandello’s central concern with the instability of truth and identity.
80. Begun in 312 BCE, the Via Appia was the first and most famous of Rome’s great roads. Stretching over 800 kilometers (~500 miles), it was built for military purposes but soon became vital for trade, farming, and the growth of towns along its route. By Pirandello’s day, as now, it was appreciated primarily as a place to walk among ancient paving stones, tombs, villas, and catacombs.
81. The moon recurs as a pervasive and ambiguous presence in Pirandello’s short stories, oscillating between a natural phenomenon and a mythic agent. Far from serving as mere atmospheric backdrop, it often exerts an almost magical influence over characters and events. In stories such as “Ciàula Discovers the Moon” (“Ciàula scopre la luna,” 1912), the moon embodies revelation, a sudden access to beauty that disrupts the drudgery of existence. Elsewhere, as in “Moon Fever” (“Mal di luna,” 1913), it is sinister or fatal, implicated in madness, desire, and transformations that seem beyond human control. As Alvaro points out here, the lunar motif in Pirandello resonates with older folkloric traditions, while simultaneously aligning with his broader project of exposing the irrational substrata beneath modern rationalism.
82. Alvaro hints here at the crucial role that folklore and superstition play in Pirandello’s imagination. Indeed, they often surface as both narrative devices and metaphors for the unseen forces shaping human life. A key example is his The Fable of the Changeling (Favola del figlio cambiato, 1934), a dramatic “fable” in three acts inspired by a previous short story, “The Changeling” (“Il figlio cambiato,” 1902), which reworks the folk motif of the changeling child. In this work, Pirandello draws upon Sicilian oral tradition to probe themes of identity, fate, and social exclusion. The figure of the changeling embodies both magical dread and the psychological alienation at the core of his work.
83. Deterministic literature applies the principles of philosophical and scientific determinism, maintaining that an individual’s actions, destiny, and character are inevitably shaped by external factors such as social environment, birth, race, or heredity, thereby excluding or limiting the role of free will. This approach is most clearly expressed in the literary movement of Naturalism and its Italian counterpart, verismo, where characters are portrayed as the direct products of their living conditions. As Alvaro points out, the folkloristic elements in Pirandello’s fiction dramatize the tension between determinism and the persistence of myth, illuminating how ancestral forces intrude upon everyday life.
84. The Rules of the Game (Il giuoco delle parti) is a three-act comedy written in 1918 and later published in Nuova Antologia by Treves in 1919. The play has an intertextual presence in Six Characters in Search of an Author (1921), where at the opening of the first act the fictional troupe is rehearsing precisely The Rules of the Game when the Characters interrupt and redirect the performance toward their own stories. The Rules of the Game is drawn from an earlier short story, “When You’ve Understood the Game” (“Quando si è capito il giuoco,” 1913), another instance of Pirandello’s tendency to rework his own prose into dramatic form. The principal motifs revolve around the deconstruction of marital and social roles, the separation of the individual from the part they are forced to play, and the ironies of honor and convention. The protagonist, Leone Gala, a raisonneur figure who has renounced emotional entanglements and reduced life to a “game of roles,” embodies Pirandello’s philosophical inquiry into the masks we wear and the parts assigned to us by society. The plot, which focuses on marital betrayal, dueling codes, and the calculated detachment of Leone, stages the contrast between passion and cold intellectual control. Ultimately, the play dramatizes the Pirandellian paradox that to understand “the game” is to accept the futility of seeking authenticity within rigid social scripts, while also exposing the absurdity of those very scripts.
85. The reference here is to Henry Bernstein (1876–1953), a French playwright who was particularly influential in boulevard theater between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. His plays were admired for their intensity and dramatic force, though they were at times dismissed as little more than bourgeois entertainment. In Italy, Bernstein was both staged and debated, as critics often regarded his works as symptomatic of the conventions and limitations of bourgeois drama.
86. Comparisons between Pirandello’s theater and that of Henrik Ibsen (1828-1906) commonly center on their differing approaches to realism and the problem of truth on stage. Ibsen, a Norwegian playwright who spent many years living abroad in Rome, was one of the most prominent writers of the modern theater. While Ibsen is often seen as the master of psychological and social realism, dramatizing the tensions of everyday life within coherent plots and stable characters, Pirandello unsettles these conventions, questioning the very possibility of representing reality and coherence in human identity. Where Ibsen’s characters wrestle with societal norms, Pirandello’s wrestle with the masks of perception itself, exposing the instability of selfhood and the theatricality of existence.
87. Henrik Ibsen’s The Master Builder (Bygmester Solness) was first performed in 1892 in Berlin and was published the same year in Copenhagen. One of Ibsen’s late plays, it explores themes of ambition, aging, creativity, and erotic desire, centering on the architect Halvard Solness, whose struggle between his aspirations and human frailty becomes emblematic of the anxieties experienced by the modern individual at the fin de siècle.
88. Henry Bernstein’s Samson (1908) is a bourgeois drama centered on the life and experiences of an ambitious financier whose rise and fall exemplify the anxieties of early twentieth-century capitalism. The play, emblematic of Bernstein’s “théâtre de mœurs,” focuses on money, status, and social ascent, contrasting sharply with Ibsen’s dramas of moral self-realization. Contemporary critics often viewed Samson as symptomatic of a decline in the seriousness of bourgeois drama, where existential or ethical struggles gave way to questions of fortune, appetite, and possession.
89. Hedda Gabler (1890) is a four-act play by Henrik Ibsen. Often regarded as one of his masterpieces, it portrays the complex psychology of Hedda, a woman constrained by social expectations and trapped in a stifling marriage, whose manipulations and despair reveal themes of freedom, power, and self-destruction.
90. The reference here is likely to Henri Bataille’s La marche nuptial (1905), a play that was noteworthy for offering a realistic depiction of disillusionment in marriage. It took on a second life in Italy when it was adapted into a film in 1915 by Carmine Gallone, starring the major silent film diva Lyda Borelli.
91. The so-called bourgeois drama (dramma borghese) in Italian theater emerged in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries as a genre reflecting the values, conflicts, and aspirations of the rising middle class. Rejecting the aristocratic concerns of earlier tragedies and the farcical tone of Italian commedia dell’arte, bourgeois drama focused on domestic settings, everyday moral dilemmas, and the negotiation between individual desires and social respectability. Common themes included marital conflicts, adultery, the pursuit of social mobility, and the tension between appearance and authenticity. If Carlo Goldoni’s comedies pioneered this shift toward realistic portrayals of bourgeois life, nineteenth-century authors such as Giuseppe Giacosa (1847-1906) and Gerolamo Rovetta (1851-1910) expanded the form, exploring more psychological and social dimensions. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Pirandello reworked the conventions of bourgeois drama with works like The Rules of the Game (Il giuoco delle parti, 1918) and The Pleasure of Honesty (Il piacere dell’onestà, 1917), exposing both the fragility of bourgeois morality and the limits of bourgeois representation.
92. In this paragraph, Alvaro seems to put Pirandello’s Henry IV (1922) in a dialogue with Shakespeare’s Hamlet. Both plays interrogate the unstable boundary between role and reality, sanity and feigned madness. While Hamlet embodies the paralysis of excessive self-reflection, Pirandello’s Henry IV dramatizes the protagonist’s deliberate choice to don his character’s mask as both a prison and a refuge.